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The Politics Of Happiness: What Government can Learn from the New Research on Well-Being
Derek Bok, Princeton University Press, 2010, 272 pages, £16.95.
The book opens with the standard eulogy found in the happiness policy literature about the Kingdom of Bhutan, the only country in the world to adopt Gross National Happiness rather than GNP as its principal policy target. To be fair, Bok then points out that Bhutan is far from an idyllic state. Unemployment is high, and theft is rising. Further, the happiness of the majority is increased by active discrimination against the Nepalese minority, many of whom have been forced into refugee camps. Despite this, Bok concludes: ‘All in all, however, the record of Bhutan remains impressive.’ Well, that’s a bit like saying the SS had nice uniforms and made the trains run on time, just a pity about the camps!
This opening vignette is typical of the frustrating tone of the book as a whole. Overall, Bok provides a very balanced and detailed view of the empirical evidence, and discusses in clear and interesting ways some of the wider philosophical problems raised by the concept of happiness policy. But regardless of the many qualifications he makes to the claims of happiness policy proponents, he still remains firmly of the view that happiness policy is a Good Thing.
So we are told, for example, that ”people are surprisingly bad judges of what makes them happy.“ Thus happiness researchers are apparently more knowledgeable than the individuals themselves. Again, there is very strong evidence that politicians in Western countries are concerned not just with the material well-being of their constituents, but with much wider aspects of their lives. However, it turns out that the democratic process is just not good enough. Happiness researchers know much better than elected politicians what is best for their voters. This elevation of the ‘expert’ armed with a clipboard and some regression analysis is one of the most disturbing aspects of the happiness policy approach.
Many of the policies advocated by Bok seem rather sensible, such as the promotion of marriage and giving people a better education. But for Bok it does not seem valid for a politician merely to advocate these, genuflection to the ‘expert’ must be carried out before they can be sanctified.
Bok raises the old canard of the lack of correlation between happiness and GNP in the West. It is a mystery as to why this persists in the literature. The time-series data on happiness is bounded by the way it is constructed. GDP is not. The order of integration of the latter is one, of the former it is zero. All time series econometricians understand the implications of this point. Not surprisingly, Angus Deaton has had much more success in correlating percentage changes in GDP with happiness, followed by Stevenson and Wolfers, a point which Bok does note.
In terms of the balanced way in which the evidence and the wider arguments are considered, this is a much better book than a great deal of the rest of the happiness policy advocacy literature and is worth reading for this reason. It is marred by the repeated opinion that ordinary people simply just do not know what is best for them.
Paul Ormerod
Visiting Professor of Anthropology at the University of Durham Paul is also the author of Why Most Things Fail

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